In Turkey it is well-known that education is closely interconnected with society, involving its political, economic, cultural and historical components. From time to time, while education becomes an essential tool for helping individuals adapt to social changes and economic reforms, it also brings out societal transformations. Also, one of the critical factors affecting a nation’s education system is its political ideology. Political voices in the state government sometimes try to make individuals adopt their political ideologies. 

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Their ideologies also affect educational institutions (Bilecik, 2016, p. 330). To make a better sense of the relation between religion and the education system of the Turkish nation and specially to understand the influence of Islam on Turkish Education, it is crucial to provide an overview of the historical roots of today’s education policies and how education hasserved as a political tool in transforming the Turkish society since the beginning of the Turkish Republic.

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The earliest innovative movements shaping the Turkish education system and organisation took place before the Turkish Republic was established. Therefore, the reforms can be divided here into two groups- before and after the Turkish Republic. The period before the republican period includes the times of Ottoman times, in which Islam was a dominant educational factor. The significant reforms carried out before the proclamation of the republic could be summarized as such:

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• the establishment of military schools,

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• integrating such Western languages as French and English into the curricula,

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• putting compulsory elementary education into practice,

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• the establishment of particular education institutions for visually impaired, hearing or speaking impaired learners,

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• the establishment of the Ministry of General education of the Ottoman state in 1857 (OECD,2005)

 

In the 1920s, the establishment of the Republic of Turkiye became a milestone in Turkish education history, which brought dramatic educational changes and reduced the influence of Islam on education by leading education to pass through a secular path. Such educational reforms came to the forefront: The Law of Unification of Education (Tevhid-i Tedrisat Kanunu, which passed in 1924), the organisation of education, modifications in the quality of education, and expansion of education. In the 1931 Congress of the CHF, national education aimed to raise republican, nationalist and secular citizens (Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası Programı, 1931, pp. 5–9).

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The Law of Unification of Education required all educational institutions to get attached to the Ministry of National Education. It also banned all religious instruction in state schools under the control of the Ministry of National Education (MoNE). The schools of the minorities, protected by the Treaty of Lausanne, were also attached to the MoNE. The founder of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, believed that the only way for education to advance was to follow scientific principles. He also saw education as an essential means of modernisation. He stressed that neither Turkey nor its educational system could be influenced by "sheikhs, dervishes, or disciples." This idea was the foundation for Turkey's secular educational system, inspired by scientific principles. Since secularism remained the overarching idea that governed education, almost none of the successive administrations made significant adjustments to this policy.

 

According to the third law enacted on the day of the abolition of the Caliphate, all madrasahs and schools were subordinated to the Ministry of Education. This law also closed madrasas by Education Minister Vasıf Çınar (Jaschke, 1972, p. 74). According to the article of this law on religious education, imam and preacher schools specified in the law were opened in Istanbul and 28 different places in 1924 (Jaschke, 1972, p. 75).

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The task of the Süleymaniye Madrasa, which provides high-level education for religious officials, was transferred to the Faculty of Theology established at Istanbul University (Mardin, 2007, p. 97). However, due to barriers to post-secondary university transition and employment, the number of imam hatip schools(1) decreased over time due to the shortage of students (Kara, 2017: p. 119). While the number of Imam Hatip schools was 29 in 1924, it decreased to 20 in 1925-26, and all but Kütahya and Istanbul Imam Hatip schools were closed in the 1926-27 academic year. These two last remaining schools were closed in 1931-32. The period of Imam Hatip Schools came to an end (Ayhan, 2014, p. 52). The fact that Village Institutes (2), which were important in the dissemination of the ideologies of the Republic, was not included in any religious education at any level of education in 1940 caused the public's need for religious education to grow (Bilecik, 2016, p. 333).

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The law was supported by further significant reforms like the introduction of coeducation and the Latin alphabet. The 1930s and 1940s saw tremendous advancements in the secularisation of education and an expansion of education at all social levels, particularly in rural areas. Despite their brief existence, the experience from Village Institutes significantly illustrates how such educational institutions could be used for social transformation (OECD, 2005). In addition, an essential regulation regarding religious education in the single-party period, as stated in Article 226 of the Turkish Civil Code adopted on October 4, 1926. According to this article, “The religious upbringing of the child would be determined by the parents” (Yetkin, 2007, p. 442).

 

With the change made in 1927, religious lessons were removed from schools' curricula besides Arabic and Persian (Tanilli, 1991, p. 234). This meant a complete departure from Arab culture and religious sources (Tanör, 2009, p. 275), and religion courses were left only in village schools for one hour a week (Tanilli, 1991, p. 234). According to Kaya (2010, p. 784), with the Democratic Party's coming to power after the 1950 elections, the way for religious politics and education with strict dogmatic values was paved. It is thought that the reason for these views lies in re-introducing religious lessons into the curriculum, translating Turkish azan into Arabic, and opening Imam Hatip schools. Since 1951, Imam Hatip Schools have been opened in many parts of the country by the Menderes Government, and religion lessons have also been given in secondary schools (Özkan, 2008). In order to meet the needs of the students who graduated from those Imam Hatip Schools, the 4-year High Islamic Institute opened between 1958-1959 (Tosun, 2009, p. 335).

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Between 1960 and 1980, religious life was affected by the rapid changes that took place with the spread of multi-party life and military coups in the political aspect, industrialisation and urbanisation in the economic dimension, and the mass media and education in the cultural dimension. After the 1950s, especially from the 70s to the 80s, there was an increase in religious publications. The development of Islamic publishing activities, including intellectual reviews, popular prayer books, religious journals, and other literature, is also noteworthy ( Çelik, p. 224). Contrary to values such as liberalism, individualism, and pluralism that emerged after the 80s, it represents a mentality shaped by positivist, nationalist and westernist concepts that want to bring social change authoritatively from top to bottom (Taslaman, 2011, p. 28). In other words, although it was accepted that the government should not interfere with religion, during this period, the government was asked  to "help religion" and to expect it to organise and regulate when necessary (Tarhanlı, 1993, pp. 29-30).

 

In the Turkish context, the role of politics and especially coup d’etats in the practice of religion and education has always been very effective. This can, for instance, be seen in the coup of February 28. In Turkey, students have to take university entrance exams and are enrolled at universities depending on their performance in these exams. After 28 Feb 1997, some alterations were made in calculating the total score, which was unfavourable for students, especially from religious schools. This and other factors like the headscarf ban and the restrictions on university placement, the number of imam hatip schools started to decrease after February 28. Even in the early 2000s, these schools came to the brink of closure due to a lack of students.

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In order to understand the Turkish context in terms of religious education, one needs to look into the policies applied not only to the Muslim community but also to religious minorities. However, it needs to be highlighted that policies applied in general have been effective on all religious groups. After the foundation of the Republic, religion classes were banned until the end of the 40s, but were reintroduced as elective classes in the 50s and became compulsory with the constitution of 1982. The relation of the country with its religious minorities has often been controversial; the application of the “property tax” in the early 40s, confiscation of property from minority foundations and the highly (still) disputed Heybeliada Seminary are some of the examples (Sambur, 2009, p. 43). Furthermore, religious groups -including the Sunni majority- are not allowed to found religious organisations, which has led them to set up associations under different names (Sambur, 2009, p. 44). This problem still remains a problem and an obstacle in terms of freedom of religion.

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The Treaty of Lausanne is still valid or effective for various issues; one example is the definition of minorities. It included non-Islamic groups making Alevis and Kurds “invisible” as distinctive minorities; this only started to change with the negotiations for membership into the EU in the 2000s (Akgün, 2008). Thus, schools of minorities were typically Armenian, Greek or Jewish and were regulated with the Treaty of Lausanne; thereby, these groups maintained the right to own and regulate these schools (Aksoy, 2014, p. 72). However, the number of these schools has decreased over time due to various developments. 

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Turkiye has been governed by the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) for over 20 years, with its conservative religious ideology. After AKP, İmam Hatip High school (IHL) graduates had different experiences with university entrance. It was also discussed within the scope of the legal regulations in 2012. With the amendment made in the 45th Law No. 2547, the application of different coefficients in university entrance and placement procedures was terminated entirely. Thus, equality of opportunity and opportunity in university entrance was ensured. IHL graduates, along with other vocational high school graduates, if they got sufficient points, were allowed to enter all departments of universities without any obstacles.

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After the change regarding the faculties of theology in higher education made by the Council of Higher Education on December 10, 2007, the number of theology faculties and student quotas in higher education in Turkey began to increase exponentially. As a result, while the number of theology faculties was 23 in 1997 (Aşlamacı, 2017, p. 196), a total of 86 theology faculties were founded in Turkey in 2013, 46 of which are continuing education. (Songur, 2013, p. 208). On October 30, 2019, 61 faculties of theology and 38 faculties of Islamic sciences (Gözler, 2019).

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The report by Mazlumder (2010) provides a general perspective in terms of religious discrimination in Turkey. Some of the problems defined in the report related to the Sunni majority (2010, p. 299.) can easily be transferred to the other religious groups as well. In Turkey the Diyanet (Presidency of Religious Affairs) is an institution regulating religious affairs and acting as a monopoly in the matter and leaving out all other religions and denominations. A further common problem and obstacle in diversity and representation is the centralisation of education in 1924, leading to an understanding of national education and allowing a single type of education for all regions.

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The state's intervention can also be observed in various social and cultural matters. The sermons, e.g., to be held in mosques, are only allowed in Turkish, thus seriously impacting Kurdish-speaking regions. A further example was the restriction on clothing, which was not limited to state officials and included students. There is no data on the number of women and girls wearing headscarves in Turkey. However, although a majority of Turkish women wore headscarves, the headscarf was prohibited by dress code regulations (Ergün & Kürküt, 2011, p. 24). after the military coup of September 12, 1980. The military coup was held responsible for education and having control of all other institutional powers (Okçabol2005).

 

During 1980 and 1983, universities were also under strict control, and many professors were fired (Tanör, 2004). Both students and academics wearing headscarves were banned from entering campuses throughout the country. This prohibition might be considered the most radical, dramatic discriminatory treatment targeting Muslim practitioners on a large scale. As a result, the headscarf-wearing girls and women were forbidden to enter the schools and could not work in public services.

 

It is unknown how many people were affected by this ban and had to leave their education and lose their job with the regulation. The long-lasting ban on headscarves (almost fifty years) ended in 2013 and paved the way for millions of citizens to work in public institutions equally and freely. The headscarf bans also created an unequal treatment for religions. While a woman was excluded from social life because she fulfils a religious decree, a man with the same opinion could easily continue his education and working life. In this case, the ban created severe discrimination and exclusion only for women. Moreover, according to Article 2 of the Law of Unification of Education dated March 3, 1924, and numbered 430, thirteen days after the law was published with a circular issued by the Ministry of Education, all madrasahs have been closed.

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In the 4th article of the law (measures to be taken against anti-regime reactionary activities): “Our national education institutions, which are responsible for educating enlightened clergy loyal to the republican regime and Atatürk's principles and reforms, should be kept at the level of need following the essence of the Law of Unification of Education.” This had long- lasting severe effects for all religious groups and minority groups in general. The syllabus was standardised, making all types of diversities invisible.

 

Along with the compulsory religion classes after 1982, the problem was deepened. In 2012, it became mandatory; however, problems on the syllabus and the appointment of the teachers remain. Coup d’etats in Turkey had a detrimental effect on educational institutions as well, one example is the situation in Imam Hatip Schools -schools with a focus on religious education along with other disciplines.

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In that sense, Imam Hatip High School graduates who want to be doctors, engineers, and lawyers at universities have been discouraged from getting a place at these departments in the universities. In order to prevent their placement in such prestigious fields, principles of “keeping it at the level of need” and “coefficient application” were realised. According to these principles, graduates who wanted to study in departments other than theology found it hard and often impossible to get into the department they wanted. This meant that although legally there was no hindrance for them to enter, it was impossible with some faculties with high scores in practice. In this way, both individuals and their families have been victimised.

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The problems of Alevis in Turkey are in some ways similar to other religious groups, but there are certainly issues unique to them due to their belief and religious life. These can be summarised as problems related to their place of worship, religious education, and social and political pressures (MAZLUMDER, 2010, p. 315). Alevis cannot open a religious school about the Alevi faith through private individuals or organisations. Likewise, since the theology faculties in universities are related to and dominated by the Sunni understanding of the religion of Islam, Alevis cannot have their theology faculties or departments within faculties. Moreover, every new school must feature an Islamic prayer space, according to a regulation published in 2017 by the Ministry of National Education.

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The government forbids Alevis from establishing comparable places of worship in public institutions. One further problem is related to the places of worship; first of all, they are different from mosques and tekkes play an important part in the religious life of Alevis. Since they were abolished in the early years of the republic, an important aspect in the education of the people and the clergy had to disappear. The religious-professional education of their clergy still is a problem. Secondly, cemevis as places of worship are not defined as places for worship but cultural centres. Although mosques belong to the state and are thus financially supported, other places of worship are excluded. At the same time, the government maintained that Alevis and all Muslims, regardless of their school of thought, may access mosques subsidised by Diyanet. Another group that is confronted with religious discrimination are the non-Muslims.

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As stated above they are protected by the Treaty of Lausanne. However, some of the problems described above are valid for them as well. They are allowed to have educational institutions but they are self-funded. The educational system in general allows them not to participate in the Muslim religious classes but does not provide classes for these groups. Sometimes, these students still attend these classes since the institution does not offer alternatives (Ergün & Kürküt, 2011, pp. 24-27). Schools and universities do not have places of worship for these groups, except for very few examples.

 

A further problem in religious discrimination is related to the attitudes of society in general and of teacher and officials in educational institutions (Erdoğan & Vatandaş, 2020). For instance, enrolment in an Armenian minority school requires a proof of Armenian descent, making the procedure more complicated and for those without the proof impossible to enrol (Ergün & Kürküt, 2011:24-27). Textbooks go through and are accredited by a board within the Ministry for National Education, and only after 2017 they were revised in terms of discriminatory content (Yıldırım, 2021, pp. 37-38). They have to meet certain requirements, that is human rights such as freedom of religion and expression.

 

The first challenge in preventing religion, faith and belief-based hate and discrimination incidents within educational and professional settings in Turkey has been the inclusion of religion and belief data of the individuals into their national identity cards. There used to be a section for religion present on the national identification cards.

 

People had the option to fill out this section with their preferred religion or belief or leave it empty. Cards have become chip-enabled ones, and religion or belief information stored in the chip can be viewed by authorised public personnel. Belief-related information about people is regarded as qualified personal data (sensitive). Thus it must be protected in line with the Personal Data Protection Law. This information is only accessible to authorised governmental officials. The potential of discrimination based on religion or belief exists, however, because they have the option to see a list of religions other than Islam or a blank space.

 

The field of religion must be entirely eliminated from personal records in order for this judgement to be enforced in an effective manner (Yıldırım, 2022). The second challenge regards legislation under the Law on Private Educational Institutions. Religious organisations in Turkey, including the Alevi community, the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate, the Armenian Patriarchate, and the Protestant community, cannot train clergy. The apparent imbalance causes anxiety among the participants.

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"Education institutions identical or comparable to ones which provide religious education cannot be opened," states the Law on Private Educational Institutions. It is theoretically conceivable to offer religious instruction or education at the university level by founding a private, foundation-based institution with the Cabinet's approval. However, doing this is really difficult and practically impractical. 

 

Religious or belief-based societies lack the means to start a private institution without receiving public money. In addition, there are numerous departments in state-run colleges dedicated to training Sunni Muslim religious leaders. It is crucial to take action to defend everyone's right to train religious leaders, to ensure that all religious communities can open educational institutions where they can train their religious leaders, and to enable all religious and belief groups to exercise their rights (Yıldırım, 2022).

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On the campus level, any discrimination related to religion is not recorded and reported until they become a criminal case. Students or staff who face such abuse often do not take any steps either because they do not know what to do or because the universities do not offer any support in that sense. Often, the administration is not willing to take any measures in order to avoid or track abuse and discrimination.

 

Debates on how the relationship between religion and education in a secular state should be has been on the agenda since the first years of the Turkish Republic.

 

The freedom of conscience, religious belief, conviction, expression, and worship are guaranteed under the constitution. It states that no one may be forced to attend religious services or reveal their religion, and acts of worship may be freely performed so long as they do not undermine the "integrity of the state." The constitution forbids exploitation of "religion or religious feelings, or items held sacred by religion," as well as abusing "religion or religious feelings".

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Although there is no specific blasphemy law, Article 216 of the Turkish Penal Code outlines penalties for "inciting people to hostility and enmity," which includes disrespecting religious beliefs in public. "Offending ideals considered sacred by a religion" is against the law.

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A year to six months in prison is the penalty for insulting a particular religion.

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In order to fulfil their duty, the clergy are forbidden by the penal code from "reproaching or vilifying" the state or its laws. If the crime involves encouraging others to break the law, the punishment is three months to two years in prison instead of a month to a year.

 

The legislation concerning education can be found in three main legal texts: the constitution, the Turkish Civil Code and the Law on National Education.

 

The constitution defines the right to education as follows: “No one may be deprived of the right of learning and education. The scope of the right to education shall be defined and regulated by law. Training and education shall be conducted along the lines of the principles and reforms of Atatürk, on the basis of contemporary science and education methods, under the supervision and control of the State. Institutions of training and education contravening these provisions shall not be established. ...” (TCA, Article 42).

 

The Turkish Civil Code defines further the religious education of students: “The right to determine the religious education of the child belongs to the parents. Any contract that restricts the rights of the mother and father in this respect is invalid.” (Article 341).

 

The National Education Law defines the right to education as follows: “Educational institutions are open to all regardless of their language, race, religion, disability and religion. No person, family, group or class can be privileged in education.” (Art.4). “Laicite is the basis in Turkish national education. Religious culture and ethics is compulsory in primary and secondary education.” (Art.12).

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Although the text includes issues on equal opportunities and rights, the word “discrimination (ayrımcılık)” is not mentioned here. The institution which is responsible for “arranging the basic legal framework and institutional structure regarding non-discrimination and equal treatment, increasing the effectiveness and operability of the national prevention mechanisms against torture and ill-treatment” (TİHEK, par.8) is Türkiye İnsan Hakları ve Eşitlik Kurumu (TİHEK- Human Rights and Equality Institution of Türkiye), founded in 2016 and replaced Türkiye İnsan Hakları Kurumu (TIHK - Human Rights Institution of Türkiye). Its latest annual report was released in 2020 and addresses various issues related to basic human rights and discrimination; however, it lacks substantial problems and handles the matter in a more general sense (İnsan Haklarının, 2020).

 

Policies on the national level still need to be developed and on the regional and campus levels they are often missing completely. Although some universities have adopted an internal mechanism and/or regulations, most higher education institutions lack that kind of mechanism completely.